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Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies (BRIIFS)

Refugees have often been either excluded from recent studies on transnationalism or treated as exceptions to the rule. By contrast, this paper proposes one way of incorporating them more fully into the literature. The paper charts the transition of refugees into transnationals, focusing on the case of Eritreans in the UK and Germany. It suggests that three processes have been instrumental in this transition. Eirst, despite the recognition of Eritrean independence in 1991, most refugees chose not to return, instead securing their statuses in their host countries. Second, notwithstanding this decision, most Eritreans have developed lasting links with their communities and country of origin. Finally, as a result of the current conflict with Ethiopia, the Eritrean state has taken steps to institutionalize the Eritrean diaspora. The paper concludes by considering the wider applicability of this case-study with reference to three possible qualifications: the extent to which the transition has applied to all Eritreans overseas; the extent to which other refugee communities might be expected to undergo a similar transition; and the extent to which the transition is permanent.

First § : IT IS ONLY AT A RELATIVELY late date that the Muslim holy space in Jerusalem came to be referred to as al-haram al-sharif (literally, the Noble Sacred Precinct or Restricted Enclosure, often translated as the Noble Sanctuary and usually simply referred to as the Haram). While the exact early history of this term is unclear, we know that it only became common in Ottoman times, when administrative order was established over all matters pertaining to the organization of the Muslim faith and the supervision of the holy places, for which the Ottomans took financial and architectural responsibility. Before the Ottomans, the space was usually called al-masjid al-aqsa (the Farthest Mosque), a term now reserved to the covered congregational space on the Haram, or masjid bayt al-maqdis (Mosque of the Holy City) or, even, like Mecca’s sanctuary, al-masjid al-haram.

This article, which is based upon seven years of anthropological field research in London, outlines the reasons why the so-called Rushdie Affair forced Muslims in Britain into a corner that was not of their own choosing. Ultimately, these reasons are based upon a trend, in the West, to reify Islam in an unwarranted manner. There are social forces, however, among Muslims as well as other believers, to overcome reification by new modes of coexistence which go well beyond theological dialogue. They are practice-based and often local in scale; yet, they do entail processes of action and rethinking which can respond to the fundamental sociological findings about pluralist community-building. The article concludes with an assessment of their variables of success.

This article focuses upon the Armenian diasporan experience in the Arab world after the First World War. It discusses the formation of Armenian communities in the Fertile Crescent and Egypt in the early 1920s and the strategy that they have since pursued to preserve their distinct ethnic identity within the quasi-millet system that is still applied in these countries. The article also analyzes how political and economic instability in the Arab world has affected the local Armenian communities and discusses the challenges that the latter face today, especially in light of the re-emergence of the Republic of Armenia as a sovereign and independent state in 1991.

This paper sets out to uncover some of the less prominent factors that generate antipathy toward marriage between Catholic and Protestant in Northern Ireland. Attitudes and responses to these mixed religion unions are described in the context of Northern Ireland’s wider pattern of sectarian social relations. The paper suggests that particular cultural ideas about the relative influence of men and women underlie the more obvious conflict in Northern Ireland over religious and political identities which intermarriage represents. The paper concludes with some modest reflections on the ‘slippage’ between apparently private acts of individual ‘tolerance’ and wider patterns of public ‘prejudice!’.

This paper examines how heightened religious consciousness occasioned by Islamic revivalism affects the structure of relationships between groups of different religious and ethnic backgrounds in a multi-ethnic urban community in Malaysia. Since its exposure to resurgent Islam in the 1970s, there gradually evolved in the community of Pekan Raja two camps holding divergent views with regard to Islam’s role in modern society: the ‘moderate’ and ‘extremist’ Muslims. While the former revitalized Islamic beliefs and rituals through accommodation to consumerism, the modern urban lifestyle and existing hierarchical social relationships, the latter totally rejected traditional cultural elements in favour of an egalitarian and theocratic social system. As the two groups consolidated their positions, religion, which previously played a less crucial role relative to ethnicity, became the major factor guiding individual and collective behaviour in Pekan Raja. The Malay-Muslim residents, for example, ceased to incorporate their non-Malay neighbours into the network of mutual help and support as the latter were seen as spiritually and morally inferior when compared to Muslims. A cleavage also appeared among the Malays as differences in religious orientation and attitudes toward the state and indigenous heritage were used as the rationale for rejecting or supporting cooperation. The paper argues that although the experiences in Pekan Raja may not be generalized to show typical trends in Malaysia, the possibilities are always there for religion to help revitalize ethnicity.

The old picture of a violent and sudden conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire by Muslim armies must be rethought, especially in light of the significant amount of archaeological evidence now available. This shows, first, that Byzantium was not in decline at the time of Muhammad; instead, the economic and cultural life of Syria and Palestine, including much of modern Jordan, was flourishing. Indeed, there were well-established Christian and Jewish settlements in Arabia itself. Second, there are many indications that life went on without serious disruption for several decades, even after the establishment of the Umayyad caliphate. Large-scale buildings continued to be erected by Christians, as at Madaba, and papyri from Nessana show how different communities coexisted on a daily basis. We must conclude, then, that the tales of violence and destruction in non-Muslim sources are often exaggerated, and that they are not good evidence for the actual state of affairs.

A comparison of stories found in Christian religious texts with similar stories found in the Qurʾan highlights the common heritage shared by Christianity and Islam. One of the many examples illustrating this mutual legacy is the story of the Annunciation of Jesus, which appears twice in the Qurʾan. The version of the story in Surat Maryam (19:16-22) shares basic elements with the one in the Gospel of Luke (1:26-38); in both places, the angel informs Mary that she will conceive a child and the announcement is preceded by the Annunciation of John. In Surat al-ʿImran (3:45-49), however, the story is quite different and, in many respects, comparable to the one which appears in the apocryphal Protevangelium of James (11:1-3); in both of these versions, the Annunciation is preceded by the tale of Mary’s birth and her upbringing in the Temple, culminating in the angel’s announcement that Mary will conceive by, or of, the word of God. The similarity between each version of the Annunciation appearing in the Qurʾan and the correspondent Christian text shows the relationship between the two monotheistic religions to be much more complex than scholars are willing to admit.

An examination of the oldest surviving Arab Christian manuscripts makes it clear that, in the early Abbasid period, the inculturation of Christians into the world of Islam consisted of two steps: the translation of the scriptures and other ecclesiastical texts into Arabic, and the production of original works in Arabic by Christians. The present article studies this process in its earliest development in the monasteries of Palestine in the period between AD 750 and 1050. It features, in particular, an analysis of the introductory chapter to a work called The Summary of the Ways of Faith to highlight the religious issues involved in the Christian response to the call to Islam in this period.

This paper airs to define the role of Christian Arab historians in influencing the substance of the information found in Muslim texts on Byzantium. Various Muslim historians such as al-Masʿudi, Ibn al-ʾAdim and Ibn Khaldun acknowledge their debt to the historical works of Arab Christian historians and an analysis of other Islamic sources reveals that they also must have been acquainted with, and actually dependent upon, Christian Arabic sources, especially in their treatment of the affairs of the Christian church, the theological movements and the ecumenical councils in early Byzantine history. For the later periods, the type of information on Byzantium that Muslim authors required and acquired is different. Much less is said about ecclesiastical affairs while a great deal of attention is focused upon various aspects of Arab-Byzantine relations. Thus, even though reliance on Christian Arab sources in malters pertaining to Byzantium continus, it is less systematic and more directly relevant to the Muslim context. This contrasts with the early period, when the Muslim view of Byzantium was fully shaped by the concerns of Christian Arab authors.