English – Page 10 – Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies (BRIIFS)

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Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies (BRIIFS)

A comparison of stories found in Christian religious texts with similar stories found in the Qurʾan highlights the common heritage shared by Christianity and Islam. One of the many examples illustrating this mutual legacy is the story of the Annunciation of Jesus, which appears twice in the Qurʾan. The version of the story in Surat Maryam (19:16-22) shares basic elements with the one in the Gospel of Luke (1:26-38); in both places, the angel informs Mary that she will conceive a child and the announcement is preceded by the Annunciation of John. In Surat al-ʿImran (3:45-49), however, the story is quite different and, in many respects, comparable to the one which appears in the apocryphal Protevangelium of James (11:1-3); in both of these versions, the Annunciation is preceded by the tale of Mary’s birth and her upbringing in the Temple, culminating in the angel’s announcement that Mary will conceive by, or of, the word of God. The similarity between each version of the Annunciation appearing in the Qurʾan and the correspondent Christian text shows the relationship between the two monotheistic religions to be much more complex than scholars are willing to admit.

An examination of the oldest surviving Arab Christian manuscripts makes it clear that, in the early Abbasid period, the inculturation of Christians into the world of Islam consisted of two steps: the translation of the scriptures and other ecclesiastical texts into Arabic, and the production of original works in Arabic by Christians. The present article studies this process in its earliest development in the monasteries of Palestine in the period between AD 750 and 1050. It features, in particular, an analysis of the introductory chapter to a work called The Summary of the Ways of Faith to highlight the religious issues involved in the Christian response to the call to Islam in this period.

This paper airs to define the role of Christian Arab historians in influencing the substance of the information found in Muslim texts on Byzantium. Various Muslim historians such as al-Masʿudi, Ibn al-ʾAdim and Ibn Khaldun acknowledge their debt to the historical works of Arab Christian historians and an analysis of other Islamic sources reveals that they also must have been acquainted with, and actually dependent upon, Christian Arabic sources, especially in their treatment of the affairs of the Christian church, the theological movements and the ecumenical councils in early Byzantine history. For the later periods, the type of information on Byzantium that Muslim authors required and acquired is different. Much less is said about ecclesiastical affairs while a great deal of attention is focused upon various aspects of Arab-Byzantine relations. Thus, even though reliance on Christian Arab sources in malters pertaining to Byzantium continus, it is less systematic and more directly relevant to the Muslim context. This contrasts with the early period, when the Muslim view of Byzantium was fully shaped by the concerns of Christian Arab authors.

From the tenth to the twelfth centuries, the Jews of Muslim Spain experienced a remarkable cultural renaissance. This flowering began under the patronage of Hasdai ibn Shaprut, a Jewish courtier serving in the court of the Caliph ʿAbd al-Raḥman III of Cordova. With Ḥasdai’s encouragement, Jewish poets and scholars flocked to Andalusia from Irag and North Africa, launching what was to become known in Jewish history as The Golden Age of Spain. Particularly noteworthy were the poets, who borrowed freely from the form and poetic content of Arabic poetry to introduce a new system of prosody in pure Biblical Hebrew. The sophisticated literary movement that unfolded blended secular Arabic motifs and the Hebraic tradition in new and revolutionary ways. At its forefront were Jewry’s religious leaders, presenting an unusual example of thoroughgoing acculturation to the surrounding culture. However, the popularity of Golden Age Hebrew poetry was not confined to one class, but appears to have been widely shared and disseminated among Jews as part of a broader cultural agenda. The stimulus for this poetic revolution, in contrast to other forms of cultural expression, appears to have been the claims to perfection of Arab poets and linguists. No evidence exists to indicate whether the new Hebrew poetry was known beyond the confines of the Jewish community. In general, caution should therefore be exercised in claiming that it is testimony to cultural pluralism and cultural symbiosis among Christians, Muslims and Jews in medieval Spain.

Many secular Egyptian intellectuals began to examine the modern history of the Jews of Egypt as an aspect of their opposition to the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty. Fearing that normalizing economic relations would permit Israel’s technologically more advanced economy to dominate Egypt, they have often portrayed Jews, Israelis as well as the historic Egyptian Jewish community, as economic parasites, usurers, and rapacious capitalists. Recent Egyptian writings on the privileged position of bourgeois Jews in the twentieth century typically assume an absolute opposition between compradors and foreigners on the one hand, and a patriotic national bourgeoisie on the other, thus denying the Egyptian element of Egyptian Jewish identity and portraying the activities of Jews as inimical to the national economy. Using the concept of colonial capitalism and a case study of La Société Générale des Sucreries et de la Raffinerie d’Egypte, this article argues that there were no significant differences between the business strategies of the leading Jewish and Muslim elements of the Egyptian haute bourgeoisie; they were often partners in the same enterprises. In political economy categories, there was not a unified bloc of Jewish capital or a Jewish bourgeoisie with a common set of economic and political interests.

The first part of this article assesses modern scholarship on the history of the Jews of Yemen in light of Arabic sources written by Yemeni Muslim scholars. Since accounts of this history have largely neglected this rich vein of material and, indeed, seldom consulted more than a few Yemeni Jewish sources, it is here argued that the reconstruction of the history of the Jews of Yemen—as well as the larger history of the Jews under Islam—will remain inconclusive unless adequate use is made of Arabic Muslim sources. The second part of the article questions the notion, prevalent in modern scholarship on Jewish thought under Islam, that Muslims were oblivious to developments in Jewish literature, philosophy and religious discourse. Evidence from Yemeni Muslim literature reflects a high level of interest in, and use of, concepts found in Jewish religious thought and presupposes genuine Muslim intellectual curiosity in the subject. Furthermore, the evidence at hand reflects a higher level of cultural integration between the Jews and Muslims of Yemen than is usually recognized in modern studies.

In the half century or so preceding World War I, Palestine, represented by a number of flourishing urban centres, witnessed a real cultural renaissance which, in terms of social configuration and content, largely reproduced what was going on in other major cities in the region such as Beirut and Cairo. This is a study of some aspects of Palestine’s cultural revival, analyzing in depth the role played therein by a number of Palestinian Christian intellectuals.

The Sudan’s current religious confrontation began in the nineteenth century, first with the establishment of Egyptian colonial rule, which made a political distinction between Egypt’s Sudanese Muslim and non-Muslim subjects and then with the introduction of the organizing principles of the jihadic state under the Mahdiyya. Post-World War II Sudanese nationalism has attempted to build a national identity around the spread of Islam and Arabism, and this has made the Sudan’s large pagan population the particular focus of religious conversion and oppression. This paper describes the different ways in which some Sudanese pagan societies have confronted, accommodated, or evaded Islam in the twentieth century. It also briefly discusses the different relations which exist between the Sudanese Christian churches and paganism, since the use of vernacular languages in the propagation of Christianity means that pagans and Christians have entered into a dialogue, based on a shared language of spirituality.

In a rarely-cited treatise still preserved in the work of the medieval biographer, Ibn Abi Usaybiʿa, the famous ninth-century translator of Greek sciences into Arabic, Hunayn ibn Ishaq, reports on contemporary working conditions at the Abbasid court. In particular, he paints a vivid picture of the competition that raged amongst the members of the professional classes—in this case, the class of court physicians—and the kinds of intrigues in which they were willing to engage in order to promote themselves at court or merely secure a position there. The present article uses the account of this eyewitness and participant in such activities in order to illustrate more fully the conditions under which the Greek sciences were translated into Arabic and to suggest the possibility that the competition detailed here served as a motivation for such translation activities. The article also includes a full translation of Hunayn’s account from the original Arabic.

This paper examines the redefinition and sharpening of boundaries between Muslims and non-Muslims in South Asia over the centuries as a result of changing conceptions of religious identity. It describes the development of two conflicting attitudes among Muslims concerning the issue of being Muslim in a predominantly non-Muslim majority society, namely, a separatistic/legalistic one and an assimilationist/mystical one. The paper contends that much of the history of South Asian Muslim communities and their interactions with non-Muslims in the region may be understood within the framework of a dynamic interaction and tension between these two antagonistic attitudes. In addition, the paper discusses the impact of British colonial rule and the growth of communal nationalisms in fostering ideologies of difference between Muslim and non-Muslim in South Asia. It also considers briefly the role of variously-defined policies of Islamization and Sanskritization in culturally distancing Muslim from non-Muslim as common cultural elements, such as language, dress and music, are increasingly perceived as elements of religiously-based communalisms.‬